Continued
Unlike
the previous two FMLN presidential candidates - both ex-guerrillas
- Funes, a 48-year-old former TV journalist, has cast himself as a
maverick and a pragmatist unafraid of breaking with party orthodoxy.
He only joined the FMLN when the party nominated him last year. And
to the dismay of some Salvadoran leftists, he says he will not support
overturning a law that protects those who committed war crimes. He
would not phase out the dollar, he says, nor accept campaign funding
from Hugo Chavez, as American National Intelligence director Michael
McConnell suggested he would.
Yet
as much as Funes promotes his mantra of change, the right wing is
sending out the message: supporting Funes is tantamount to supporting
Chavez, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the
FMLN of yore.
Monocle: Why do you want to become president of El Salvador?
Mauricio Funes: There's a historical opening for
me to be president. The problems here are so powerful that I can't
continue working as a journalist. Journalism has allowed me to know
the realities of El Salvador - especially the reality of poverty.
But journalism doesn't allow me to change that reality.
M: What personal strengths would you bring to the presidency?
MF: I understand the fundamental problems that El
Salvador has to deal with. In a world in which most of the population
has lost faith in traditional politicians, people trust me and I have
the independence not to be dominated by a party.
M: Why does El Salvador need a left-wing government now, and how does
your vision for the country differ from your opponent?
MF: I don't believe El Salvador needs a left-wing
way of thinking. We need more economic growth that's delivered equally
to everyone in the country. The problem is that the right wing has
always represented the wealthy few and has kept political power to
itself.
M: Would you like to see El Salvador more closely aligned with the political
and social programmes of a country such as Venezuela?
MF: Not necessarily. El Salvador has its own identity.
It's true that the Salvadoran left wing has always been close to President
Chavez, but they don't breathe through his nose.
M: If you win the election and Chavez offered you financial support would
you accept?
MF: If it is not tied to political support, then
I would accept it.
M: El Salvador uses the dollar, has troops in Iraq, and the International
Law Enforcement Academy (ILEA). Would you maintain those close ties
with the US if elected?
MF: The links with the US are related to the third
of the Salvadoran population living there. That's a fact I need to
take into account to build a relationship with the new US government.
The dollar will stay... ILEA will stay. But we would bring the troops
home from Iraq immediately. The presence of troops in Iraq has not
benefited the Iraqis, nor has it benefited the Salvadorans.
M: How do you think El Salvador can put the atrocities of the civil war
behind it?
MF: The state has to recognise that it committed
human rights violations. I would promote the knowledge of truth to
keep such things from happening again.
M: Would you like to see El Salvador's diaspora returning from the US?
MF: For sentimental reasons, yes. The first wave
of migrants left to escape the violence of war. After the peace accords,
millions of people went to the US for economic reasons [there was
an agricultural crisis when ARENA decided it was cheaper to import
all food instead of producing it locally, which affected workers in
food production]. We have to take back our food production levels
to try to keep those people in the country.
M: How would you reduce El Salvador's crime rate - particularly its homicide
rate?
MF: It cannot be resolved by taking a hard line on
crime - such as only using the police. In the last two years there
has been a greater emphasis on the repression of crime but there's
been no emphasis on prevention. Before, the gangs were a problem with
the young people but now it's turned into organised crime.
M: Since last year's electoral reforms, have you asked for international
observers to monitor the forthcoming election? If so, why?
MF: I've made requests to the US Congress, Germany,
the EU, Spain, Brazil and Argentina. They said they will be willing
to send observers... Why? Because ARENA will surely try to defraud
voters. Last year, the Salvadoran Congress approved electoral reforms
that led me to believe a technical fraud is in motion.
M: Why do you think the FMLN hasn't won previous elections?
MF: You have to analyse each presidential election
in its own context. The first election FMLN participated in was held
in 1994, two years after the peace accords, and people didn't have
faith in its ability to lead. In the 1999 election the FMLN had a
bad candidate, an ex-guerrilla leader who wasn't trusted - and he
faced a candidate who had people's trust. Since then, ARENA has started
using fear as a campaign tactic. The right wing wants to make people
believe that voting FMLN will lead to anarchy and chaos.
